My Coordinate and the Class Issues in the American Context*
in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the
ICAS Youth Fellowship Awards Contest 2012
submitted
to
Faculty
ICAS Youth Academy
by
Hayoung Yoo**
*A winning paper for Becky Norton Dunlop Award for Excellence of
the ICAS Youth Fellowship Awards Contest 2012
**A freshman-to-be, University of Maryland, College Park, MD
June 29, 2013
| Table of Contents |
|---|
How will the Korean-American second generation perform without cram-schools and the
Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation stalking them and outside of their comfort
zones at the collegiate and professional working levels? |
| Summary | 1 |
| Introduction | 3 |
| 1.1 My Coordinate in the American Context: Population Demographics | 3 |
| 1.2 My Coordinate in the American Context: 13th and/or 14th Graders | 3 |
| 1.3 My Coordinate in the American Context: Boxed In a Self-Inflicted Vicious Cycle | 5 |
| 1.4 My Coordinate in the American Context: All Eggs In One Basket | 6 |
| 1.5 My Coordinate in the American Context: Acculturation, Assimilation, and Integration | 8 |
| Conclusion | 8 |
| Introduction | 9 |
| 2.1 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Education | 9 |
| 2.2 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Culture | 10 |
| 2.3 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Finance | 10 |
| 2.4 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Politics | 11 |
| 2.5 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Profession | 12 |
| 2.6 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Sociability | 13 |
| 2.7 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context: Working Class and
Underclass | 14 |
| Conclusion | 14 |
| References | 14 |
| Bibliography | 16 |
| Acknowledgement | 17 |
My Coordinate and the Class Issues in the American Context 1
Hayoung Yoo 2
Winner, Becky Norton Dunlop Award for Excellence, ICAS Youth Fellowship Awards Contest 2012
Immigration to the Melting Pot has been the rite of passage for most Korean newcomers,
who have dreamed about being an American. However, their challenges, shortly thereafter,
began. The educational, cultural, political, professional, and social imbalances between American
values and Korean values have been the conflicts separating a Korean-American immigrant
ghetto from American society. The mandatory tactics to overcome the plateau of a Korean-
American immigrant enclave have not yet been taken, and this prohibits a Korean-American
immigrant ghetto from embedding in American society. A Korean-American immigrant enclave
has questioned itself on how to bridge its barriers, to close its gaps, and to ease its thresholds but
has not answered itself for decades.
For the sake of clarification, certain terms that form the key argument of this paper have
been defined. The concept of nature versus nurture is described as where he/she is born unto
versus his/her prevailing microenvironment that affects, develops, impacts, influences, and
shapes his/her personal development and growth. Cram-schools are known to a Korean-
American immigrant enclave as
hak-wons, which are "...private, supplementary
[cram-schools] that intensively teach one subject at a time to huge numbers of Asian
students" (Kolker 2011, p.87). The dictionary describes the phrase, 'formative years,' as
the time between childhood and adulthood. For the purposes of this paper, however, formative
years range from the age of 5 to 18. The term 'disenfranchised' means being deprived of voting.
The terms 'insular' and 'isolated' are described interchangeably in this paper because both terms
describe the educational, cultural, political, professional, and social removal of a Korean-
American immigrant ghetto from American society. The term 'marginalized' is described as
"...where one is not an active participant and does not feel as if he/she belongs to a
society" (Hahn 2001). The concept of opportunity cost/lost is described as how the more
he/she loses effort, resources, and time from doing certain things, the more he/she loses valuable
and worthy effort, resources, and time unto other things that are just as important, if not more. A
common parental practice in a Korean-American immigrant ghetto is described as the 'propping
trap,' which means the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation demonstrates
micromanagement to the Korean-American second generation by molding them with their GPA-
and/or SAT-centric approach. The term 'acculturation' is described as "...where one
becomes a fully accepted member of a culture through influencing that society by making its
own unique cultural contribution" (Ibid.). The term 'assimilation' is described as
"...where one becomes a part of a body by becoming uniform to its pre-established
members," (Ibid.) and the term 'integration' is described as a "...person's acceptance
of and acceptance into a culture" (Ibid.). The dictionary describes the term 'class' as a
group with similar socioeconomic status, so the phrase 'class issues' differentiates a Korean-
American immigrant enclave from American society. The term 'underclass' has been described a
s an overstatement to "...label...[underprivileged] people, who are accused, rightly or wro
ngly, of failing to behave in the 'mainstream' ways of the...culturally dominant American middl
e class."
3
For the purpose of this pape
r, the term 'underclass' has been a metaphorical extension to stress class issues, measured by the
educational, cultural, financial, political, professional, and social measures of standard of
American society.
By and large, the purpose of this paper is not to deduce solutions. Rather, the purpose of
this paper is to unearth the issues of a Korean-American immigrant ghetto. The views and
opinions expressed in this paper are solely those of the author. This paper is solely based on the
research and the epigenetic and vicarious experiences and observations of the author, a Korean-
American second generation youth.
The first chapter of this paper will begin by deciphering population demographics, which
will evaluate the numeric negligibility of Korean-Americans. Then, an in-depth analysis on the
belated graduations and post-secondary dropout rates of the Korean-American second generation
will be made by examining statistics and highlighting how and why their formative years have
caused a Domino effect of unintended consequences at the collegiate and professional working
levels. Then, a succinct description of a Korean-American immigrant enclave will be shared by
looping in concepts, such as nature versus nurture and opportunity cost/lost. Then, the Korean-
American second generation will be identified by naming how and why the issues of the Korean-
American second generation subconsciously come about. What potential significance will the
prevailing environment affect, develop, impact, influence, and shape the Korean-American
second generation, even if they were born here? Lastly, the first chapter of this paper delivers a
take-home message: for Korean-Americans to make well-informed decisions by flaunting
opportunities and privileges of American society, for the sakes of their futures and the futures of
following Korean-American generations.
Most Korean-Americans have been in the average 90% of the Gaussian curve; the
average 90% being a Korean-American immigrant ghetto as the Korean-American middle class.
The second chapter of this paper will begin by introducing the differences between the American
middle class and the Korean-American middle class in the educational measure of standard,
especially during their formative years. Then, the discrepancies between the American middle
class and the Korean-American middle class in the cultural measure of standard will be
pronounced by describing the irrelevance the ethnic cultural activities of the Korean-American
middle class has had to that of the American middle class. Then, the deviations between the
American middle class and the Korean-American middle class in the financial measure of
standard will be reviewed by comparing and contrasting the numeric data of the two. Then, the
divergences between the American middle class and the Korean-American middle class in the
political measure of standard will shed a light on the lack of proactive engagement and
participation the Korean-American middle class has had with the American federal government
and its elementary policies. Then, the incongruities between the American middle class and the
Korean-American middle class in the professional measure of standard will be spelled out by
touching upon the decreasing rates of mom-and-pop stores. Then, the differences between the
American middle class and the Korean-American middle class in the social measure of standard
will be underscored by unriddling the mentality of the American middle class versus that of the
Korean-American middle class. Then, the Korean-American working class and underclass will
be succinctly described, in order to broaden and expand the scope of this paper. Lastly, the
second chapter of this paper delivers a take-home message: for Korean-Americans to foster the
education, culture, history, language, politics, professions, sociability, and traditions of American
society, for the sakes of their futures and the futures of following Korean-American generations
as a class.
Chapter 1
My Coordinate in the American Context:
4
Introduction
For the past 50-odd years, an ethnic community of Korean-Americans has been named an
immigrant 'enclave' and/or 'ghetto' by American literature and by Korean-Americans themselves
(e.g., Reverend In Ho Koh and Concertmaster of the Philadelphia Orchestra David Kim) because
from the outside looking in, American society has been seeing them in that light. The mentality
(i.e. GPA- and/or SAT-centric approach) of a Korean-American immigrant ghetto has negatively
affected, developed, impacted, influenced, and shaped the Korean-American second generation,
which has sparked a Domino effect of unintended consequences into their adolescence and their
adulthood. American literature and Korean-Americans themselves, who have analyzed the issues
of a Korean-American immigrant enclave, have believed that its attitude, conduct, demeanor,
ways, and means have been unrelated to that of American society. A Korean-American
immigrant ghetto has physically sowed roots in American soil, but American literature and
Korean-Americans themselves have believed that it has not educationally, culturally, politically,
professionally, and socially germinated in American society. As a Korean-American second
generation youth, born unto a Korean-American immigrant enclave, my intellectual curiosity has
been inspired by the literary works of these experts in addressing the issues of a Korean-
American immigrant ghetto.
1.1 My Coordinate in the American Context: Population
Demographics
The United States of America has become increasingly diverse, but the numeric
negligibility of Korean-Americans still remains. According to the census, there are about
310,000,000 people and counting in the US. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has stated
that Whites make up about 80% of them; Hispanics make up about 15%; Blacks make up about
13%; and Asians make up about 5%. The census also has stated that Korean-Americans make up
about 0.5% of the total US population. Their population demographics have been
disadvantageous for them. Hence, most Korean-Americans have been in the average 90% of the
Gaussian curve and statistically have had no proving ground in American society.
1.2 My Coordinate in the American Context: 13th and/or 14th
Graders
In addition to becoming more diverse, the US educational system has become
increasingly competitive. About 3,100,000 high school students were projected to graduate in
2012,
5
and about 35% of them were
projected to enroll in four-year educational institutions.
6
According to American College Testing (ACT), about a quarter of all
college students drop out before their sophomore years. According to the American Enterprise
Institute (AEI), more than half of all students graduate from four-year educational institutions
within six years. The belated graduations and the post-secondary dropout rates have casted
shadows on the US educational system. These casted shadows have focused on the Korean-
American second generation because about 44% of Korean students at Ivy League universities
drop out halfway through. The belated graduations and the post-secondary dropout rates of the
Korean-American second generation have contributed to these increasing rates and have
figuratively characterized them as 13th and/or 14th graders.
The concept of nature versus nurture describes the belated graduations and the post-
secondary dropout rates of the Korean-American second generation as they have been caused by
how and why the attitude, conduct, demeanor, ways, and means of a Korean-American
immigrant enclave have negatively affected, developed, impacted, influenced, and shaped the
Korean-American second generation. How will the Korean-American second generation perform
without cram-schools and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation stalking them and
outside of their comfort zones at the collegiate and professional working levels? Cram-schools
and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation have had the Korean-American second
generation on a 'short leash,' since their formative years in a Korean-American immigrant
ghetto, where that has been the norm. Enrolling into a post-secondary educational institution is
the first official detachment from the supervisions of cram-schools and the Korean-American
first and/or 1.5 generation, but the Korean-American second generation "...[carries] these
impressions, intuitions, and experiences with them as they leave their parents' homes and the
church communities that raised them and enter into the world of [post-secondary]
education" (Park 2012, p.140). Due to their custom-tailored discipline, the Korean-
American second generation has lacked skills, such as articulation and research. Despite the
deprivation of research skills amongst college freshmen, most of them consider themselves
experts at Internet research.
7
Experts have "...found that students often fail to thrive if they are admitted to [post-secondary
educational institutions] for which they're far less prepared than their fellow students..."
(Sander and Taylor 2012, A29). A few have argued that mentor groups and study groups have
been available to struggling Korean-American college freshmen and/or college sophomores for
help. Seeking help in cram-schools has been different from seeking help in post-secondary
educational institutions of American society. If there are mentor groups and study groups
available to struggling Korean-American college freshmen and/or college sophomores, why has
the Korean-American post-secondary dropout rate increased? Korean-American post-secondary
dropouts heavily struggled to learn real world skills and studying habits with no cram-schools
and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation around, to build relationships with
strangers, and to be college-ready.
In addition to the belated graduations and the post-secondary dropout rates of the Korean-
American second generation, the issues of the Korean-American second generation have been
crucial at the professional working level as well. Experts have stated that, "Most people,
who did not speak English as their first language or who grew up in households, where English
was not the language of choice, choose [occupations] that are not so dependent on fluent
English..." (Herrnstein and Murray 1996, p.300). Korean-American post-secondary
dropouts return back home to work at Korean-American immigrant establishments, such as
cram-schools and mom-and-pop stores, to fall back on because "They are heavily reliant
on employers from the same ethnicity, so if for some reason those jobs are no longer accessible,
it is more challenging for those workers to find employment, given the language and cultural
barriers they face" (Semuels 2010, B1). However, "Grouping too many...minorities l
eads to structural marginalization or 'ghettoes' of low-power minority groups."
8
These occupations have been "...not so dependent on fluent English...", and "...in ge
neral, Asian cultures emphasize interdependence among kin more and individualism less than W
estern culture. [Asian-American] families place a greater emphasis on children's loyalty and serv
ice to their parents than do Western families" (Cherlin 2008, p.171). This has happened
more to the Korean-American second generation than any other ethnicity of the Asian descent
because "Korean-Americans are strongly inclined toward coethnic solidarity and as such,
their [post-secondary] outcomes such as...employment opportunities may rely more heavily on
their Korean and Korean-American circles compared to other Asian groups" (Park 2012,
p.136). Regarding those Korean-Americans, who have graduated from their respective post-
secondary educational institutions, the Pew Research Center has stated that more than half of the
Asian-American second generation have earned at least a baccalaureate degree. However,
according to the Center for Talent Innovation (CTI), less than two percent of executive positions
have been held by Asian-Americans at Fortune 500 companies; about 0.3% of them are of
Korean descent. The pattern of Korean-American absences in the work force of American
society has been due to a 'ceiling' in which they have been trapped under because they have
lacked the strategies in climbing up the ladder to success and still heavily struggle with the issues
they have had to face in their formative years and in college.
1.3 My Coordinate in the American Context: Boxed In a Self-Inflicted Vicious
Cycle
American literature and Korean-Americans themselves have described a Korean-
American immigrant enclave with terms, such as 'disenfranchised,' 'insular,' 'isolated,' and
'marginalized.' Firstly, American literature and Korean-Americans themselves have described a
Korean-American immigrant ghetto as being disenfranchised because it has veered away from
political activism. One of the many reasons being that a Korean-American immigrant enclave
has believed that American politics have had no relation to it. Once US citizens have reached the
age of 18, they can vote, which has been vested in the 15th Amendment of the US Constitution.
By not voting, a Korean-American immigrant ghetto has taken away its own voting rights and
has not abided by elementary policies of American society. Thus, the generation has started over
in a Korean-American immigrant enclave because without cumulative assets, each posterity has
laid the same legacy that helps neither American society nor them. Secondly, American literature
and Korean-Americans themselves have described a Korean-American immigrant ghetto as
being insular and isolated from American society. This has not only been due to its reluctance to
participate in American society, but also due to behavioral and language barriers, gaps, and
thresholds. Most Korean-American post-secondary students feel more and more alienated, since
their Korean-American peers have dropped out. They have no one else to feel comfortable
around and relate to while having to face the demands of American society that have been
foreign to a Korean-American immigrant enclave. Thirdly, American literature and Korean-
Americans themselves have described a Korean-American immigrant ghetto as being
marginalized. It has been suspended in between America and Korea as it has distributed its effort,
resources, and time unto major influences, such as the Korean government, Korean media
outlets, and groups of Korea; hence, the concept of opportunity cost/lost kicks in. Even if a
Korean-American immigrant enclave would like to try to adjust to American society, it cannot
because it does not know how to, since nobody from it has before. It has not had a prototype to
adhere to or an example to set.
A popular Korean-American immigrant establishment has been a Korean-American
immigrant church. American literature and Korean-Americans themselves have believed that a
Korean-American immigrant church has been the hub of a Korean-American immigrant enclave
in maintaining the Korean culture and language for the Korean-American second generation.
One of the first things Korean immigrants do is establish a Korean-American immigrant church
rather than joining a congregation in American society.
Another popular Korean-American immigrant establishment has been a cram-school.
There are about 20 cram-schools in the Greater Philadelphia region alone. The hierarchy of
Korean-American immigrant afterschool programs from the bottom to the top is as follows:
nonprofits based in Korean-American immigrant churches, such as the day cares of the Korean
School Association of America (KSAA) with focus on the Korean culture and language; then the
informal, home-based afterschools; and then for-profit cram-schools (Kolker 2011, p.88). Cram-
schools are described as "...a reaction to America's very vocal English-only
movement...gestures many immigrants find troubling...The number of [cram-schools]
nationwide has boomed from 490 in 1990 to 890 [in 2001]..."
9
This has been how and why the Korean-American first
and/or 1.5 generation has seeked to further the education of the Korean-American second
generation. A Korean-American immigrant ghetto has been interested in advertisements that are
in Korean, graph what Asian-Americans have in common, and that are of interest to the Korean-
American second generation.
10
The
advertisements of cram-schools have guaranteed high scores but have not exemplified the
attainments of those high-scorers at the collegiate and professional working levels. The concept
of opportunity cost/lost describes this issue by conveying how and why the more a Korean-
American immigrant enclave loses effort, resources, and time from reading the advertisements of
cram-schools, the more a Korean-American immigrant ghetto loses valuable and worthy effort,
resources, and time unto other things that are just as important, if not more.
1.4 My Coordinate in the American Context: All Eggs In One
Basket
The Korean-American second generation distributes about three-quarters of their time
unto studying and about a quarter of their time unto certain extracurricular activities.
Northwestern University has cited that Asian-Americans in their formative years distribute about
13 hours per day using computers, mobile devices, televisions, and other media as opposed to
about 81/2 hours per day like American children do.
11
These specific activities have been different from that of American
society through cram-schools, music lessons, and/or martial arts lessons in the settings of
Korean-American immigrant establishments.
According to the Pew Research Center, about 40% of Asian-Americans have believed
that the first and/or 1.5 generation has put too much pressure on the second generation to
academically succeed, but about 60% of Asian-Americans have believed that their counterparts
have not pressured their children enough. Experts have stated that "The link between test
scores and those achievements is [evaded] by the totality of other characteristics that [he/she]
brings to [his/her] life, and that's the fact that individuals should remember when they look at
their test scores...Test scores have a modest correlation with first-year grades and no correlation
at all with what you do in the rest of your life" (Herrnstein and Murray 1996, p.66). Cram-
schools and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation have believed that high scores will
lead to the American Dream, but "Under current practices, there is simply no way to tell
how students' qualifications on entry affect their academic success" (Sander and Taylor
2012, A29). Scoring well has been a far cry from being the only dynamic that has mattered as
cram-schools and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation have wished it to be.
According to the remarks of Nobel Laureate Lawrence R. Klein during a dinner and private
dialog in 2004, "Many Korean students start out well and gain good grades than many
other American students, but when they go to college, they seem often worn out and fail the
courses, and their learning curves flattened out." This has called for a serious reality check.
The Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation ought to use a laissez-faire parental practice,
rather than the propping trap, towards the Korean-American second generation, so that it will
censor the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation and the Korean-American second
generation from further educational, cultural, financial, political, professional, and social atrophy
and dystrophy.
The years, since the mid-20th-century, have marked a new era in the history of Korean-
Americans when the public reputations of Asian-Americans have transitioned into the
stereotypical 'model minority,' which has been a stereotype of Asian-Americans as they have
been seen as math and/or science overachievers, music prodigies, martial artists, and/or obedient
children of mom-and-pop store-owning parents. This has been what cram-schools and the
Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation have wanted the Korean-American second
generation to be because cram-schools and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation have
thought that those extracurricular activities have been enough to succeed in American society.
The extracurricular activities that cram-schools and the Korean-American first and/or 1.5
generation have considered impressive have not carried any weight, which have resulted in
grooming cookie cutter applications. In contrast to what American society has considered
impressive, a Korean-American immigrant ghetto is not necessarily as it has been preconceived.
The misconceptions of a Korean-American immigrant enclave are described as "Many
people think that all Koreans go to Harvard and get A-pluses, that all Koreans are rich. This is
not so. This community has many tragedies; a lot of stereotyping in reverse. Take the
typical Korean family. Materially, they may be well-off, but in every other way, they are living in
poverty. They absolutely have no life except working."
12
These issues have been regarded by the lack of enforcement and lack of
intervention in a Korean-American immigrant ghetto, leaving the Korean-American second
generation with no accumulation of cumulative assets towards what is holistic. Asian-American
organizations, such as the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL), the National Council of
Asian Pacific Americans (NCAPA), the Organization of Chinese Americans (OCA), and more,
all have agreed that these skewed depictions have been "...false stereotypes and the model
minority", "...one-dimensional narratives of exceptionalism",
"...shallow analysis...", and "...mischaracterizations...", respectively.
13 American literature and Korean-Americans
themselves all have agreed that these stereotypical portrayals have become more and more
misconstrued and misleading.
1.5 My Coordinate in the American Context: Acculturation, Assimilation, and
Integration
According to the Pew Research Center, the majority of 20 million adult children of
immigrants, who have taken the survey, have considered themselves "...a typical
American..." (Jordan 2013, A3). Acculturation, assimilation, and integration have been
absent in a Korean-American immigrant enclave, which have been long overdue crises to this
day. Acculturation has entailed the adoption of and adaption to American society. A Korean-
American immigrant ghetto can integrate itself into American society by maintaining its Korean-
American identity; hence, multiculturalism. The acculturation, assimilation, and integration of a
Korean-American immigrant enclave have continued. Most Korean-Americans may not be
"...a typical American..." as they have considered themselves to be because
"Contemporary studies of Asian-Americans, who are thoroughly acculturated, also show
the typical discrepancy in verbal and visuospatial abilities" (Herrnstein and Murray 1996,
p.300). They have not yet truly acculturated, assimilated, and integrated into American society
because it has lacked the know-how in doing so.
Conclusion
As a Korean-American second generation youth, born unto a Korean-American
immigrant ghetto, representation has to be made so that it can develop and grow out of its ethnic
community and emerge into American society. It is better late than never to initiate changing into
a model that the Korean-American second generation would like to follow. Thus, the concepts of
nature versus nurture and opportunity cost/lost will not negatively illustrate the issues of a
Korean-American immigrant enclave. According to my calculus, a Korean-American immigrant
ghetto ought to digest credible sources and make prudent decisions. It must build foundation
towards its future, in order to build up from there and rely on its foundation. With empowerment
to exercise good citizenship, it ought to serve humanity with human capital and social capital in
American society. By applying the concepts of nature versus nurture and opportunity cost/lost to
their attitude, conduct, demeanor, ways, and means for the good of both themselves and
American society, Korean-Americans are in for resilience.
Chapter 2
The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context
14
Introduction
As mentioned in the first chapter of this paper, the attitude, conduct, demeanor, ways, and
means of most Korean-Americans have caused a Domino effect of unintended consequences to
the Korean-American second generation into their adolescence and adulthood; one of those
unintended consequences being class issues. American literature and Korean-Americans
themselves, who have analyzed class, have believed that it has been a subtle topic of discussion
and study. As a Korean-American second generation youth, born unto a Korean-American
immigrant ghetto, the literary works of these experts have evoked me to convey the class issues
of a Korean-American immigrant enclave, which can be measured in the educational, cultural,
financial, political, professional, and social measures of standard.
2.1 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Education
One of the mottos the American middle class has lived by is that education has been the
beacon and compass towards the upper strata of American society. Education has enriched from
the heritage and history of the American middle class, which began when "...a generation
of immigrants...left Europe and populated American [educational institutions], research centers,
and think tanks" (Zakaria 2009, p.38). Education has never been finite in the American
middle class, regardless of age and experience. The breadth and depth of education have
broadened and expanded from educational exposure and learning. Experts have argued that
education has been fundamental in the beginnings of their careers. The human capital and social
capital of sterling figures have flourished from the special skills and talents that they have drawn
from education. The American middle class has meticulously intervened and monitored the next
faces of leadership, in order to get across to them the fruits of education. After witnessing the
products of education, American middle class parents have always strived to learn the right
recipe for their children to attain the special skills and talents of top-notch figures and to devour
as much education as they can.
One of the mottos a Korean-American immigrant enclave has lived by is its GPA- and/or
SAT-centric approach through cram-schools. The Korean-American middle class has heavily
struggled to intervene and to monitor the Korean-American second generation in distinguishing
themselves from their peers and in excelling outside of a Korean-American immigrant ghetto.
"...American [educational institutions], research centers, and think tanks" have not
been concentrated in Korean-Americans brought up by a Korean-American immigrant enclave
but instead, those who have distinguished themselves from their peers and have excelled outside
of a Korean-American immigrant ghetto. The Korean-American middle class has demanded a
discipline unknown in the American middle class because the Korean-American middle class has
believed that tier one education for the Korean-American second generation is more important
than education for themselves. Thus, the Korean-American middle class has lacked access and
knowledge of the opportunities and privileges of American society because it has had behavioral
and language barriers, gaps, and thresholds. It is more important for Korean-American middle
class parents to get an education if Korean-American middle class parents would like the
Korean-American second generation to attain the special skills and talents of upstanding figures
in American society. In addition, "If [parents] do nothing, if [parents] don't intervene
actively and usefully, [their children] will continue to lose time...The situation is very serious for
[children]...[Children] who [lose] the taste for work...strongly [risk] being unable to acquire it
after [children leave] school" (Gould 1996, p.183). The Korean-American second
generation has imitated the Korean-American first and/or 1.5 generation, so the Korean-
American first and/or 1.5 generation and the Korean-American second generation can learn how
to invest in American society together.
2.2 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Culture
The culture of the American middle class has stemmed from the 18th-century and has
evolved in contemporary society. In the American middle class, everyday has been according to
what they can do for American society by acknowledging and mirroring those, who have
sacrificed a lot and have pioneered "...the open geography and frontier spirit; a flexible
economy with limited interference by government; the Protestant work ethic; an immigrant
workforce, constantly renewed by the next generation of talent from around the world"
(Zakaria 2009, p.38). The American middle class "...maintains class power as a motive
that...leads intellectuals...to assimilate into white middle class culture" (Bursztyn and
Korn 2002, p.135). Appreciation for the heritage and history of the American middle class has
been one of the greatest legacies the American middle class can lay for the following
generations.
Since the American middle class has revolved around their heritage and history, the
Korean-American middle class cannot carry the Korean cultural activities into the American
middle class, but "Once that mistake has been made...most of them will never even have
had a chance to get out of the other America," (Harrington 1997, p.15). The "...other
America..." is a Korean-American immigrant enclave, metaphorically speaking, and is
constituted of "...failures, who never succeeded in breaching the economic and social
walls of the ghetto" (p.142). Its GPA- and/or SAT-centric approach has been a drag force
and a risk factor to the Korean-American middle class as it has caused a warp of the negative
consequences that will happen to the Korean-American second generation and has caused a
tunnel vision of what the Korean-American middle class has thought will be best for the Korean-
American second generation.
2.3 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Finance
For the purpose of using the socioeconomic term, 'class,' the differing average family
incomes are as follows: the average family income of the American middle class is about
$70,000; the average family income of the American working class is about $40,000; and the
average family income of the American underclass ranges from about $15,000 to $25,000.
15 The average family income of the Korean-
American middle class is about $64,000.
16
Despite the similar financial profiles of the American middle class and the Korean-American
middle class, the American middle class has not seen the Korean-American middle class as being
alongside them in American society. The American middle class has contributed 25% tax bracket
to the American federal government, whereas the Korean-American middle class has contributed
10% tax bracket.
17
Tax brackets have been
rarely of discussion and study amongst a Korean-American immigrant enclave, which have
caused them to be unknown as contributors to the American federal government. The Korean-
American middle class has had an extraordinary work ethic, which has resulted in an increasing
family income, but the deficit has increased as well. According to the Korean Ministry of
Education, Science and Technology (MEST), 67% of cram-schools overcharge and underreport
the costs to regional education authorities. Cram-schools are worth $250 to $400 per month or
more than $30,000 per year (Kolker 2011, p.88). This has made up a large share of the financial
distribution of the Korean-American middle class. The chances of one from the top family
income bracket, who has not performed very well in school, have been better than one from the
bottom family income bracket, who has performed well in school.
18
Experts "...question whether the children of
today's immigrants will see the same upward mobility enjoyed by the [children] of European
arrivals in the past," (Jordan 2013, A3) but "From what is already known about
heredity, should we not naturally expect to find the children of well-to-do, cultured, and
successful parents better endowed than the children who have been reared in [ghettoes]...? An
affirmative answer to the above question is suggested by nearly all the available scientific
evidence" (Gould 1996, p.221). In other words, a student of the American middle class,
who has not scored as well and has lived off of a higher family income, has had the chances of
performing better than a student of the Korean-American middle class, who has scored higher
and has lived off of a lower family income.
2.4 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Politics
American politics, on a local level, on a state level, on a national level, and on an
international level, have explained the stories behind its founding documents that have originated
from the 17th-century. American politics have consisted of beliefs that have manifested the
relationships between American citizens and their global networks. American political figures
have pursued to sustain class power by following elementary policies. The 'American Pie'
concept has referred to the founding principles of the American middle class. The Korean-
American middle class has staggered from this.
Although the Korean-American middle class is legally American, their inputs and
services have channeled towards a Korean-American immigrant ghetto, instead of American
society. Without a working progress, the Korean-American middle class has continued to be
fixed in their behavioral and language barriers, gaps, and thresholds. Although American media
outlets have been integrative, American media outlets have been unreached by the Korean-
American middle class because "...the ease of...communication has enabled...immigrants
to retain their ties to their countries of origin and may have reduced incentives to adapt to
American customs and mores."
19
According to the New California Media (NCM), the ethnic newspapers, radio, and television
have drawn about half of Asian-Americans and other minorities at least several times per week
over their counterparts. Korean-American middle class parents have heavily struggled to
acknowledge and to understand the information put forth because of behavioral and language
barriers, gaps, and thresholds, so the reaction to their issue has been to consume the ethnic
newspapers, radio, and television in which Korean-American middle class parents can
comprehend their respective languages. Asian-Americans of the mainstream have waited to see
Asian-American immigrant enclaves benefit and contribute to American politics. Since
behavioral and language barriers, gaps, and thresholds have been present, there has been an
estrangement between American politics and the Korean-American middle class.
2.5 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Profession
Profession has been measured by his/her intellectual and moral prowess in the work force
of American society. The work ethic of the American middle class has continued to be
unwavering. Children are the most expensive to support during their formative years, but it has
been less burdensome for professionals, whose family income curves have proceeded to increase.
The aspirations of the American middle class have involved the search for fulfillment that
complements a management position by doing what few can do well, but the Korean-American
absences from management positions have painted an insignificant reputation of them.
Mom-and-pop stores are described as "The old neighborhood Ma-Pa stores are still
around. They are not...European any more. Ma and Pa are now Korean-American...They live in
the store. They work seven days a week..."
20
Management positions in American society are able to reach a highly
economic plateau on a single salary, but the Korean-American middle class can only reach a
highly economic plateau on dual mom-and-pop stores. American literature and Korean-
Americans themselves have stated that "Small stores cannot survive. It's over...In 10
years, there will be no more Korean mom-and-pop stores...[due to] rising rents, increased
competition from online and corporate rivals, and more scrutiny from city agencies that impose
fines."
21
About 69% of Asian-
Americans have thought that they will succeed with hard work as opposed to about 58% of non-
Asians that have believed so. About 93% of Asian-Americans have believed that their ethnicity is
hardworking, but "...hard work alone isn't enough...Asian cultures have sayings like 'The
loudest duck gets shot.' This is totally opposite from and incompatible with Western notions like
'The squeaky wheel gets the grease'" (Fisher 2011). In addition, "There is a real cult
ural disconnect. Americans are taught to show leadership potential by being gregarious, outgoing
, outspoken, and confident, but the Asian ideal is to work very hard, be humble and deferential, a
nd blend in with the group. Expressing opinions or proposing changes is often seen...as disrespe
ctful. It's important to take a close look at who is getting promoted at your company and analyze
what they're doing, besides working hard" (Ibid.). Managing their mom-and-pop store may
have been hard work as it has been a self-employed small business, but the Korean-American
middle class has hardly worked from the perspectives of the American middle class. The Korean-
American middle class has not necessarily blamed themselves for enmeshing into an
occupational homogamy. Instead, the Korean-American middle class has blamed the behavioral
and language barriers, gaps, and thresholds of living apart from the rest of America or the
"...other America..." The Asian-American unemployment rate is not as low as it has
seemed when contrasted to the national unemployment rate. Not only does Asian-American
unemployment last longer than other races, but the Asian-Americans, who have had failed small
businesses, have not filed for unemployment because they have considered working for the small
businesses of their families as still being employed.
22
The unemployment issue amongst Asian-Americans will prolong to be a
long-term struggle because although Asian-Americans have had the lowest unemployment rate,
they have continued to heavily struggle with demanding employers and with reentering the work
force, due to not "...understanding how to apply for jobs with employers outside their
communities...", and "...encounter hurdles to new employment...I don't think
things are turning around" (Semuels 2010, B1). This has resulted in Korean-American
post-secondary dropouts and Korean-American college graduates returning back home to work
at cram-schools and mom-and-pop stores to fall back on.
2.6 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Sociability
Bringing forth capital towards his/her enrichment and volunteering information that will
be of interest and use to American society has been the vector to be in. The American middle
class has been forward by utilizing their logic to strategically achieve their goals. The American
middle class has been trying to perfect their characters by gaining realistic judgments that have
given them a sense of direction in their lives to survive in American society. "Studies
suggest that individuals' beliefs are affected by the social context during their [formative years]
and young adulthood and that these beliefs, once formed, tend to remain throughout
adulthood...Each successive birth cohort experiences a different social environment and retains
distinctive opinions throughout adult life. Your values in childhood are shaped both by how your
parents raised you and by the social climate in which your birth cohort grew up" (Cherlin
2008, p.353-4). In addition, "Common observation would itself suggest that the social class
to which the family belongs depends less on chance than on the parents' native qualities of
intellect and character" (Gould 1996, p.213). It has been greatly encouraged by the
American middle class to take an initiative and act as the authority with the role as parents, but
also working as a team to fix each other's weaknesses will enhance the relationship.
The Korean-American middle class has actively participated in a Korean-American
immigrant enclave and has only interacted with fellow Korean-Americans more comfortably at
cram-schools, Korean-American immigrant churches, and mom-and-pop stores. The Korean-Am
erican second generation has shared similar characteristics based on family income, level of
education, and parental occupation. The Korean-American middle class has gone 'into the closet,
' a phrase used by American literature and Korean-Americans themselves that means being in de
nial while their lives have grown farther and farther away from the American middle class. It has
left the Korean-American middle class uncertain of what ways and means to heed to, in order to
redeem themselves and what lessons to get across to a Korean-American immigrant ghetto so
that they can move forward.
2.7 The Class Issues of the Korean-Americans in the American Context:
Working Class and Underclass
In addition to the Korean-American middle class, the Korean-American working class an
d the Korean-American underclass have compromised a Korean-American immigrant enclave, b
ut the differing family incomes have not been façades of a better performing class. Class issues
have been rarely to seldom of discussion and study in a Korean-American immigrant ghetto
because this has been the least of their worries, but this has caused them to be less able to handle
the demands of American society. American working class parents, "...with their emphasis
on obedience and conformity, socialize their children for the kinds of blue- and pink-collar jobs
[they] have held" (Cherlin 2008, p.297). A Korean-American immigrant enclave has been
referred to as the underclass because the underclass has compromised of dropouts and the
unemployed. Since the Korean-American post-secondary dropouts did not succeed, the Korean-
American post-secondary dropouts have become "...part of a growing underclass, cut off
from productive engagement in society," (Bursztyn and Korn 2002, p.49) and
"Minority and underclass students are...unwilling to follow the directions of the [America
n middle class]...[and] are typically socially incompetent...class and race could truly determine s
tudent success if there was no one to intervene" (p.59). Korean-American post-secondary
dropouts have been "...socially incompetent..." by using the familiar networks
around them to help each other access occupations at cram-schools and mom-and-pop stores that
Korean-American post-secondary dropouts had grew up in, but soon Korean-American post-
secondary dropouts cannot depend on cram-schools and mom-and-pop stores anymore, since
they are gradually going out of business. Mom-and-pop stores have been soon-to-be extinct
small businesses, so that will leave those Korean-Americans in 10 years structurally
unemployed. The presence of the underclass has been a reminder to those, who think they have b
een far apart from the underclass, maintain the same practices. Again, a Korean-American
immigrant ghetto has seen itself as being far apart from the underclass, so it has maintained the
same practices. Apart from their differing family incomes, the class issues of all Korean-
American classes have been all the same.
Conclusion
The class issues of a Korean-American immigrant enclave have dated back to the first
milestone of crossing US boundaries as a Korean-American immigrant ghetto has surfaced into a
dense and interrelated class. The rifts in class and interconnected networks have negatively
affected, developed, impacted, influenced, and shaped a Korean-American immigrant enclave in
accessing human capital and social capital. It takes closure of their tragedies and the opening of
their minds, in order to cease the burden and the trench from deepening.
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